It is inevitable that a Palestinian state will be established, if only because the 1947 United Nations resolution establishing Israel also established Palestine. The nature of this new state, the process of its establishment and its eventual relation to Israel represent awesome challenges. Peaceful relations between theses two states will not happen unless there is grassroot reconciliation. But there cannot be grassroot reconciliation unless past wrongs are acknowledged. One wrong that has been ignored for far too long is the plight of Jews from Arab countries.

Few political leaders in Israel or the Arab world acknowledge that the number of Jews who were forced to leave Arab countries, 856,000, surpassed the number of Palestinians who were ousted or fled the newly formed State of Israel, 650,000. As almost half the Jewish citizens of Israel, together with their descendants, are from Arab countries, any peace effort must, of necessity, acknowledge this exodus. We suggest that to acknowledge the story of the Jewish uprooting from Arab countries can facilitate reconciliation, as it shows that there was forced migration and claims of restitution on both sides.

Jews from Arab countries are angry and hurt, and they object to a reconciliation that does not include their own heritage and history. They express their frustrations by voting for right-wing parties who promise them recognition, although they are ideologically and traditionally neither extreme right nor extreme left. Their intransigence toward their Palestinian neighbors and the establishment of a Palestinian state is a touchstone in reconciliation. Putting their claims in the balance could enhance the promotion of the establishment of a Palestinian state.

During the 1947 U.N. debates, the head of the Egyptian delegation warned that "the lives of a million Jews in Muslim countries will be jeopardized by the establishment of the Jewish state." The chairman of the Palestine Arab Higher Executive, Haj Amin el-Husseini, told that body: "If a Jewish state were established in Palestine, the position of the Jews in the Arab countries would become very precarious... Governments have always been unable to prevent mob excitement and violence." Indeed, soon after partition, riots broke out throughout the Arab world. Jewish homes, shops and synagogues were burned and looted; hundreds of Jews were murdered, thousands were imprisoned and many were deprived of their citizenship.

Jews in Arab countries were confronted with a political and social climate of unbearable hostility. Although many had been prestigious members of their country of birth, they were removed from government agencies and their admission to public office was severely restricted. They became hated outcasts in their own land, terrorized, imprisoned and often banished.

Where once Jewish communities flourished and thrived, as in Iraq and Egypt, their traces have been erased, as they were compelled to leave and abandon centuries of established culture and tradition.

The outline of a lasting settlement ‹ or at least absence of hostilities ‹ is becoming clearer. The vision includes a full Arab recognition of Israel's legitimacy and not another colonial enterprise to be tolerated momentarily like the Frankish kingdom of Jerusalem. Other considerations include the establishment of a politically viable Palestinian state, the rollback of Jewish settlements, the termination of Palestinian and Arab incitement to hatred and terrorism, the full acceptance and integration within Israeli society of its Arab citizens and the indemnification of Palestinian and Jewish refugees.

Because of deep-rooted mistrust, the comfort zone within which both parties can negotiate is at present non-existent. Deep societal changes have to occur before political leaders have room for negotiation. Regrettably, one of the lapses in the Oslo process has been the absence of avenues for reconciliation at the community level.

Fortunately, both Palestinian and Jewish refugee communities are familiar with Sulh, the Middle Eastern rituals of reconciliation . Sulh rituals, used to resolve long-standing vendettas, incorporate cultural elements and stress the link between the psychological and political dimensions of reconciliation.

It is high time that emphasis in the peace process be redirected to community leaders and away from top-down conflict-resolution processes. Community leaders in the civic, religious, education and media realms need to assume their responsibility in pursuing reconciliation. They must acknowledge explicitly the legitimacy of their opponent's claim and commit themselves to rebuilding the image of the opponent. Espousing a perverted image of the opponent even in the heat of debate negates efforts at acknowledging legitimacy. Western support should be limited to those that pass this test.

This reciprocal acknowledgement is the cornerstone upon which future political leaders will be able to build a viable peace process. Putting the claims of Jewish refugees from Arab countries into the balance would encourage both populations to favor a two-state solution and the election of pro-peace political leaders on both the Israeli and Palestinian sides.

In conclusion, a more objective and balanced approach to the tragedies of both Jews from Arab countries and Palestinians could have a moderating effect on both populations. Jews from Arab countries would have their history and heritage restored and would become more open to a peaceful arrangement. In turn, the Palestinians would realize that they are not the only ones who have suffered, making them more prone to reconciliation. This conciliatory effect could lead to a beneficial promotion of peace between Israel and the Palestinians, and in the Middle East in general.

Ada Aharoni is a professor of cultural sociology at the Technion Institute of Technology in Haifa and founder of the International Forum for the Culture of Peace. Alain Albagli is a consultant in international development and a freelance journalist. Both were born and raised in Egypt.