Ada Aharoni and Alain Albagli

The displacement of 856,000 Jews from Arab countries, the hardships accompanying their migration and emigration to Israel or other western countries and the loss of all their assets and property, constitute an aspect of the refugee problem which has been overlooked. As almost half of the Jewish citizens of Israel (together with their descendants) are from Arab countries, any peace effort must acknowledge this facet of the history of the conflict. To be able to reach a peaceful solution, the forced migration of Jews from Arab countries must be acknowledged as part of the tragedies incurred during this long and painful conflict. This neglect makes Jews from Arab countries intransigent toward a reconciliation that does not include their own heritage and history. Yet, these uprooted Jews could become major contributors to reconciliation because they understand instinctively Middle Eastern rituals of reconciliation.

Jewish refugees are angry and hurt and express their frustrations by voting for right wing parties who promise them recognition, although they are ideologically and traditionally neither extreme right nor extreme left. Their intransigence towards their Palestinian neighbours and the establishment of a Palestinian State is a touchstone in reconciliation. If their history and claims of restitution were acknowledged (as are those of the Palestinians), they would moderate their frustrations and identify more easily with the other side. If their history was legitimized and recognized these Jews would become strong advocates for reconciliation. In spite of being forced out of their homes, many of these Jews are among the staunchest advocates of peace-justice-forgiveness and of a Two State solution.

The motivation behind this article is to placate both Palestinians and Jewish refugees, by pointing out that they share sufferings and feelings of victimization. The article also adresses a forgotten historical and moral aspect of the Israeli - Palestinian conflict that has almost disappeared from memory. We suggest that to acknowledge the story of the Jewish uprooting from Arab countries can facilitate reconciliation, as it shows that there was forced migrations and claims of restitution of assets on both sides.

Although the outline of a lasting settlement (or at least absence of strife) is becoming clearer, the tunnel to that vision is hazy at best. The vision includes a full Arab recognition of Israel’s legitimacy as Israel is not just another colonial enterprise to be tolerated momentarily like the Frankish kingdom of Jerusalem was in the 11^th century. Milestones have even been identified such as, the rollback of Jewish settlements, the establishment of a politically viable Palestinian state, the termination of Palestinian and Arab incitement to hatred and terrorism, the full acceptance and integration within Israeli society of its Arab citizens, and the indemnification of the Palestinian and Jewish refugees. But, as the comfort zone within which both parties can negotiate is at present non-existent, we must conclude that deep societal changes must take place before leaders have room for negotiation. The necessity to affect change at the community level is opposed here to the top down conflict resolution processes, which is reflected by treaties between sovereign states. Although political scientists emphasize the importance of autocratic leaders in arab countries, yet most reconciliation occurs between communities and not between individuals. Indeed, one of the lapses in the Oslo process has been the absence of avenues for reconciliation at the community level and the lack of changes in school curricula.

Coincidentally with the United Nations resolution on the partition of Palestine in November 1947, Arab riots broke out against numerous Jewish communities throughout the Arab world. Jewish homes, shops and synagogues were burned and looted; hundreds of Jews were murdered, thousands were imprisoned and many Jews were deprived of their citizenship. Jews who at one time were influential in commerce suddenly lost their holdings; bank accounts were frozen, and property valued at millions of dollars was confiscated. They were removed from government agencies and their admission to public office was severely restricted. Jews in Arab countries became hated outcasts in their own land, terrorized, imprisoned and often banished, and thus sadly realized that there was no future for them in the land of their birth. During this migration, they abandoned centuries of established culture and tradition.

In 1948 there were over 856,000 Jews living in Arab countries but by 1976, only a few hundred elderly Jews, scattered over a number of cities, remain in the region. The creation of the State of Israel by the United Nations did not give the host countries where they were born and lived all their lives, the right to kick them out with nothing but their shirts on their backs. Most Jews did not leave of their own volition but were banished at short notice, and forced to leave all their possessions behind. Where once Jewish communities flourished and thrived, as in Iraq, Egypt and Syria, their traces have been erased, as they were compelled to emigrate. To this day, many of them suffer from this cruel and unjust uprooting and loss of all their assets including their social standing. If these historic facts were to be used in a positive way, they could advance reconciliation in the Middle East.

It is not generally known that the number of Jews who were forced to emigrate from Arab countries surpassed the number of Palestinians (who were 650.000 in number) who fled the newly formed State of Israel or were ousted. During the 1947 United Nations debates, the head of the Egyptian delegation warned that "the lives of a million Jews in Moslem countries will be jeopardized by the establishment of the Jewish State". Haj Amin el-Husseini, chairman of the Palestine Arab Higher Executive, told that body, "If a Jewish State were established in Palestine, the position of the Jews in the Arab countries would become very precarious". "Governments", he added ominously, "have always been unable to prevent mob excitement and violence". The intensification of anti-Jewish measures resulting from a combination of factors such as rising Arab nationalism, the establishment of the State of Israel, and the general political climate of the time, made the displacement of Jews from Arab countries an inevitable consequence, and caused their forced migration. The paradox is that Arab governments were calling to an end to Jewish immigration to Palestine all the while

Forcing their Jewish citizens to leave through various discriminatory measures.

After these tragic circumstances compelled them to leave, the Arab states did not hesitate to proclaim appropriate decrees designed to strip the Jews of their possessions. The Jewish assets, both individual and communal, amount to millions of dollars, and they are worth more than the assets the Palestinians left behind when they fled from Israel. These assets were all sequestered, and are still held in the banks in various Arab countries, and their Jewish owners have been incapable to retrieve them to this day.

The majority of Jews living in Arab countries found refuge from Arab persecution in Israel. The minority - just like the Palestinians - were dispersed throughout the world. In the various countries that they inhabited previously, many had been wealthy and prestigious members of their prosperous and well-organized local Jewish communities. However, confronted with a political and social climate of intensified and unbearable hostility, they were forcibly uprooted and were compelled to leave behind their public and private property. This is not a question of polemics; it is a historical, moral, and real politics question that deserves to be acknowledged. Indeed, modest and somewhat late acknowledgements are starting. Ambassador Richard Holbrooke recently said: “ The plight of Jewish refugees is a truth that has been swept under the rug.”

The story of the Palestinian refugees is indeed different as Arab countries did not integrate them, as Israel integrated the Jewish refugees from Arab countries, but kept them in refugee camps to this day. Naturally all of them want to leave the refugee camps and return to their original homes, located unfortunately in Israel. It is unreasonnable for Israel to absorb 3 million Palestinian refugees, and yet maintain its fundamental nature as “a national home” for Jews. Thus, this problem cannot be solved except in the context of a Two States Solution, which would enable the Palestinian refugees to settle in Palestine. Putting the claims of the Jewish refugees from Arab countries in the balance could enhance the promotion of the establishment of a Palestinian State. It would encourage both sides to favor the Two States Solution, and to the election of Peace leaders on both the Israeli and Palestinian sides.

As was mentioned above, both (Palestinian and Jewish) refugee communities are familiar with rituals of reconciliation that are appropriate to the emotional climate of the middle-eastern sun. These rituals have been used throughout history in most Mediterranean countries to resolve long-standing vendettas where it is impossible to agree on who is the victim and who is the victimizer. The Arab ritual of reconciliation “Sulh” is heavy on rituals and follows three steps: Acknowledgement, Settlement and Public Reconciliation. The process involves the participation of a mediator and takes place within a communal framework. Also, these rituals stress the link between the psychological and political dimensions of reconciliation.

It is high time that community leaders assume their responsibilities and pursue the first step in the “reconciliation” ritual and attempt to achieve a wide consensus on mutual and reciprocal acknowledgement. The goal of this phase would be that the parties recognize explicitly and acknowledge the legitimacy of their opponent claim and commit themselves to reconstructing and rebuilding the image of the opponent. Legitimacy does not need to be symmetrical but must be unequivocal. The uprooted Jews from Arab countries feel that although the displacement of Palestinians is relatively well known and well documented, their own forced migration from Arab countries has been overlooked. Presently few if any leaders openly embrace the other side legitimacy and neither sides acknowledge the claims of their opponents refugees.

Community leaders must purposefully engage in changing perceptions, and stereotypes as well as gain knowledge about each other’s sensitivities. Cultural elements must be incorporated into the reconciliation ritual and deliberately addressed. Espousing a perverted image of the opponent even in the heat of debate negates efforts at acknowledging legitimacy. It is only when a majority of influential citizens acknowledge the legitimacy of their opponents and abandon the myth that they are responsible for all their sufferings that we would have made real progress. This change in attitude can be a lengthy process but is necessary. In conjunction with these efforts, educators could contribute by teaching that the opponent is not to be blamed for all one’s sufferings and not to confuse violence with power. Similarly, religious leaders and journalists can have a beneficial impact on societal evolution.

In conclusion, a more objective and balanced approach to both tragedies: of the Jews from Arab countries, as well as that of the Palestinians could have a moderating effect on both populations. The Jews from Arab countries would have their history and heritage restored to them and would become more open to a peaceful arrangement. In turn, the Palestinians would realize that they are not the only ones who have suffered and this could make them more prone to reconciliation. This conciliatory effect could lead to a beneficial promotion of peace between Israel and the Palestinians, as well as in the whole of the Middle East.

Biographical Note

Professor Ada Aharoni is a researcher and a cultural sociologist at the Technion: Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa. She has published 24 books and more than 120 articles and founded the International Forum for the culture of Peace, IFLAC. Dr. Alain Albagli is a consultant in international development and a free lance journalist. He is the regional director for IFLAC in Canada. He possesses a document issued in 1963 by the French government recognizing him the status of refugee in accordance with UN conventions. They both were born and raised in Egypt.